Serbian President accused of negationism about Kosovo

A lawyer from Kosovo filed a criminal complaint against Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic, accusing him of spreading hatred by claiming that a 1999 massacre of ethnic Albanian civilians in Kosovo was fabricated.

Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic. Photo: EPA-EFE/SHAMIL ZHUMATOV/POOL.

By Willy Fautré, Human Rights Without Frontiers

HRWF (13.02.2020) – Lawyer Tome Gashi filed a criminal complaint against Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic at Kosovo’s Special Prosecution in December 2019, alleging that he systematically denies the Recak massacre of January 1999, where Serbian occupying forces killed 45 Albanian civilians.

In a statement made on 4 December 2019, Serbian President Vucic accused the former head of the OSCE Kosovo Verification Mission, US Ambassador William Walker, of faking the Recak/Racak massacre.


The massacre of Recak/Racak

On the morning of 15 January 1999, Serbian security forces surrounded the village of Recak/Racak and began attacking it.

They raided the houses in the village one by one. Some locals tried to hide, but were discovered, beaten, and then shot. A total of 45 villagers were killed.

Serbia initially claimed that the victims were all fighters from the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), which was not the case.

By the time journalists arrived, the cold, stiff bodies had been laid out on the mosque floor. Women and children were wailing. It was an appalling, unforgettable scene.

An ethnic Albanian grandfather shows the bodies of Racak villagers to his grandchild whose father is among the victims (Reuters).

OSCE Kosovo Verification Mission

William Walker, the head of the Kosovo Verification Mission, went to the scene of the massacre the next day. As soon as he arrived and saw the horror, he immediately called the action a “crime against humanity.”

On 18 January 1999, the Belgrade authorities made him persona non grata.

Walker’s testimony was a factor in NATO’s subsequent decision to bomb Yugoslavia from 24 March to 10 June 1999 to pressure Serbian forces to end their military campaign in Kosovo.

“This incident, my reaction on it, and the reaction from Serbia’s government, produced an international tsunami with reports on what was happening in Kosovo,” Walker told Voice of America on 12 January 2019.

“I know why I went to Recak in the morning of 16 January. I went there only a few hours after the massacre occurred. I saw on that frosty morning bodies and what happened to those men and boys. The Belgrade government came in the first day with different versions… They even pretended that I went there and changed the clothes of more than 40 victims to clothing pierced with bullets. Those explanations were ridiculous,” he told Balkan Insight on 15 January 2019, the 20th anniversary of this mass killing.

On 24 November 2008, William Walker became an honorary citizen of the Republic of Albania, a title then given to him by President Bamir Topi. On 15 January 2009, on the 10th anniversary of the Racak massacre, he was awarded the Golden Medal of Freedom by the President and Prime Minister of the Republic of Kosovo.


Serbian Member of Parliament in Kosovo sentenced to 2 years in prison

Vucic’s comments came after the Pristina Basic Court convicted Kosovo Serb MP Ivan Todosijevic of incitement to ethnic, racial or religious intolerance for claiming that the Racak/Recak massacre was staged.


On 5 December 2019, Todosijevic, a former minister in the Kosovo government, was sentenced by a first instance court to two years in prison for saying that the Racak massacre of Albanians in Kosovo was “fabricated” by “Albanian terrorists.”


Todosijevic was elected as an MP with the Belgrade-backed Srpska Lista bloc in October 2019 and was previously a minister for administration and local government in the Kosovo government.

He was fired in March 2019 for his comments at a ceremony marking the 20th anniversary of the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia:

“The reason for the [NATO] aggression in our country was the so-called humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo and the fabricated Racak [massacre], and the Albanian terrorists are the ones who made all this up and committed the biggest crimes in Kosovo,” Todosijevic said.


EU accession

This negationist campaign jeopardizes the progress achieved in the dialogue between the Republic of Kosovo and the Republic of Serbia, which is being facilitated by the EU. It also puts the future of this dialogue and Serbia’s accession to the EU into question.

KOSOVO: Landmark decision for transgender rights

Blert Morina exercises right to change name and sex marker.


By Dafina Halili


Kosovo 2.0 (20.01.2020) – – When Blert Morina next crosses the border, he will have new documents and a victory against the state in his pocket.


In December, the Basic Court of Prishtina affirmed his right to change both his name and sex marker in his identification documents, marking a landmark decision for Blert himself, transgender persons and the whole LGBT movement in Kosovo.


With the decision in his hands, on Monday (January 20) he went to the Municipality of Gjakova to officially request new documents. It marks a return to the institution that denied his request to change his name from “Blerta” to “Blert” and his sex marker from F (Female) to M (Male), thereby pushing Blert into almost two years of court battles.


The court’s decision states that the decisions by the Directorate for General Administrative Work within the Municipality of Gjakova, based on a recommendation by the Kosovo Civil Registration Agency (ARC), are “annulled as unlawful” and obliges the relevant institutions to officially correct Blert’s name and sex marker within 15 days of receiving the court’s decision.


The case is the second such case in which Kosovo’s courts have ruled in favor of protecting the rights of transgender people in this way. In 2018, the Court of Appeals upheld a decision by the Basic Court of Prishtina, which had affirmed the right of an annonymous applicant to change their name and sex marker in line with their gender identity.


Blert is exhilarated that this chapter of his life is coming to an end.


“There were moments when it became too much to balance the work, transition, all the pressure from society, and then the media,” he says. “I reached the point of thinking that I wasn’t saying anything new. Like I was only repeating things and I’d get bored of myself.”


Blert was assigned a female biological sex at birth, but self-identifies as a man in all spheres of life, from his family and social circles to his work. He would particularly be reminded of the mismatch of documents with his gender identity any time he crossed a border, where he would have to endure thorough investigation:


“When [lawyer] Rina [Kika] told me [of the court’s decision] I was so happy, especially because I would hesitate to travel just to avoid the border thing.”


He submitted the request to change his name and sex marker to the Office of Civil Registry in his hometown of Gjakova in April 2018. One month later, when he was informed by the Directorate for General Administrative Work within Gjakova’s Office of Civil Registry that his request had been denied, he immediately made his case public through the media.


The spotlight he has received in his fight against the state has often made him feel that his case has distracted attention from the role he has at the Center for Equality and Liberty (CEL), the LGBT rights organization where he is the executive director.


“The decision is also important because now I won’t be called by the media to talk about my case anymore and so I don’t inadvertently do an injustice to all of the other work of CEL,” he says.


But it is his loved ones that have been supporting him and the significance for other transgender persons that make the court’s decision even more important to Blert.


“I am so happy that finally my family are going to be relieved of the pressure they have had in recent years,” he says. “And most important of all is that other people with the same request as me will not go through this.”


Blert’s lawyer, Rina Kika, says that the whole court case represents the complicated dynamic between progressive legislation and its implementation in Kosovo.


“I think that Blert’s case contradicts the idea that we have good laws that are not implemented,” she says. “So, with this case you simultaneously have laws and also their implementation. But in parallel, you also have the resistance of institutions to implement the law, which is seen with ARC refusing the request to change the name and sex marker, by saying that the request is not reasonable and thereby hampering Blert’s integration in society.”


One part of the lawsuit that the court refused was the request to compensate non-material damages such as the anxiety and stress caused as a result of violations to Blert’s rights to private life, equal treatment and human dignity.


Kika explains how people whose human rights are violated should be entitled to compensation. She says that by upholding the right for Blert to change his name and sex marker the court in Prishtina acknowledged that there had been a violation of the right to privacy, but by not ruling in favor of the right to compensation they failed to recognize the right to be free from discrimination and the right to human dignity.


She adds that despite their frustrations at this element of the decision, they decided not to appeal because it would mean more court hearings, which could take many more than a year, meaning more stress for Blert who wouldn’t be entitled to new documents until the new decision was delivered.


“I think it is an unfair decision from the court to not give compensation for non-material damages,” she says. “Still, the decision addresses important and essential issues in recognizing gender identity. It is a victory with a small fault.”


Two years in legal limbo

Back in 2018 when Blert submitted his application to formally change his name and sex marker on his official identity documents, his application referred to the Administrative Instruction on the Conditions and Procedures for Personal Name Change and Correction; specifically the provision that states: “Personal name hinders person’s integration into society.”


However, the official decision by the Municipality of Gjakova, quoting a recommendation by ARC’s Commission, stated that the application didn’t meet the conditions of the Administrative Instruction “as ‘Blerta’ doesn’t hinder the person’s integration into society.”


He appealed the decision directly to the Agency, but Blert’s appeal was rejected and described as “without basis,” stating that he “didn’t give any evidence, document, note or photography, or archive document that shows that Blerta Morina’s personal name hinders the person’s integration into society.”


The ARC again requested additional evidence in the form of a medical report or decision in order for Blert to change his sex marker.


At the time, Kika described ARC’s decision and justification as “discriminatory” as it excluded Blert based on his gender identity while violating his right to be treated equally and with privacy. She particularly highlighted that the Law on Protection From Discrimination and Law on Gender Equality recognize gender identity as not being tied to a person’s assigned sex at birth or requiring medical intervention.


A few months later, in July 2018, he and Kika, took the case to the Basic Court of Prishtina and also simultaneously filed a complaint against the ARC at the Constitutional Court, asking for a constitutional review of the decision to reject his appeal. It was a step taken with the support of the Ombudsperson.


Kika’s decision to take the complaint to the Constitutional Court before exhausting other available legal measures was triggered by the tendency for long delays in cases at the Basic Court; cases can take many years to deliver a decision, which she argued would violate Blert’s right to have the case resolved in a reasonable amount of time and thereby add to his suffering.


In September last year the Constitutional Court dismissed the request to review the constitutionality of the decision, stating that the request was “premature,” and passed it back to the Basic Court.


But to the surprise of Blert and his lawyer, that same day the Basic Court of Prishtina called them and in October they had two hearing sessions. Within the courtroom it was just them and the judge — nobody from ARC’s side participated.


“The judge [Lirije Maksutaj] during the sessions told us that she is aware of the case’s urgency and that is why she decided to take the case in her hands out of turn and that she was in correspondence with the Constitutional Court who dismissed the case but commented on the right to privacy and recognition of gender identity,” Kika says. “We sent six emergency letters to the court.”


Publicly leading the way

While Blert was going from institution to institution and court to court the publicity made transgender and LGBT issues a frequent topic in the media. Blert says that this contributed to shedding more light on the overlooked LGBT community and movement in the country.

“Just the fact that there were constant discussions about trangender people in the media helped the whole movement because you cannot talk about transgender people without including the whole community,” he says.


“I think what we lacked [previously] was more public discussion. There were times when we would talk about IDAHO [International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia and Biphobia] and Pride parades but rarely would we have a discussion about the movement independent from these two events. This also contributed to better informing people about LGBT people.”


Blert and his legal representative had discussed their strategy for how to go about the case months before they even submitted the request at the municipality and had taken the firm decision to make every step public.


“I repeatedly told Blert that ‘your request will get rejected in the first instance, in the second one, and maybe you’ll have to wait for years,’” Kika reflects on the first conversations with Blert a few years ago. “We were expecting the potential outcome from the beginning and made the plan. We had meetings with the Ombudsperson, media representatives, aware of the importance of us informing [the public] about the case.”


She highlights that Blert’s persistence and courage to not stay anonymous not only gave visibility to the plight of trangender people but that he has also portrayed “a great example of how to promote human rights and LGBT rights.”


“Now it is more difficult to refuse new requests for trangender people,” she says. “And the most important thing is that for the first time the court has decided to recognize the right to gender identity without offering evidence for surgical intervention or any medical change.”


In fact Blert, who started hormonal therapy exactly two years ago as part of his planned transition, has never had more male features than he does now. With a deeper voice, noticeable beard and hairy hands, and visibly much more relaxed, he smiles at the idea of soon getting his new documents.


And, if by any slight chance ARC doesn’t implement the court’s decision, he says he is ready to file a criminal complaint.

Statement of Serbia’s delegation to the OSCE about persecution in Kosovo

Statement by Dusan Kozarev for the Human Dimension Implementation Meeting 2019 of the OSCE/ODIHR


OIDHR (24.09.2019) – – Good afternoon, I am Dusan Kozarev, Deputy-Director in the Office for Kosovo and Metohija of the Government of the Republic of Serbia. It is my honour to speak at this Panel on Tolerance and Non-Discrimination, and I intend to inform you of an unacceptable discrimination still being enforced on the European soil against the Serbian people in the Southern Serbian Province of Kosovo and Metohija. There, the fundamental human rights of Serbs are being routinely violated, including the rights to life, to movement, to property, to belonging, to their ethnic and religious community. There are no positive developments to report since the previous OSCE Human Dimension event in Warsaw; moreover, the situation worsened. We are witnessing intensified intimidation aimed both at compelling Serbs to leave Kosovo and Metohija and preventing the displaced ones to return. There were some 70 ethnically driven attacks against Serbs, throughout the course of the year behind us.


In October 2018, during a single night in the Municipality of Klina, Albanians broke in 25 homes of Serbian returnees. Few days late r, in the Municipality of Peé a Serbian home was set on fire. Pristina exerts, tolerates, and faits to sanction various pressures against Serbs, and this effectively hinders their return.


November 2018 was the harshest period for the Serbs in that year. Firstly, on 6 November Pristina introduced 10% taxes on the incoming goods from Central Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then on 21 November increased the taxes to 100%, as an unprecedented move in recent history, despite the regional free-trade agreement in force (CEFTA). This Pristina’s anti-civilizational measure disrupted the regular supply of food, medications, technical supplies, the basic hygiene commodities. Besides this targeted economic isolation, the Serbian community was exposed to additional concerns caused by incursion of the Special Unit ROSU in the northern Kosovska Mitrovica, raiding several sites and arresting four Serbs under false charges of their alleged involvement in the assassination of Serb politician Oliver Ivanovié. The true executors of this heinous crime are still not identified.


December 2018 saw a repeated practice of intimidation of Serbs by writing “KLA” graffiti in  the Municipality of Lipljan on the walls of: an elementary school, a Serbian-owned home, a chape) at the local Orthodox cemetery, and the local Monument of Fallen Serbian Fighters in the Liberation Wars. For Serbs, “KLA” graffiti epitomize crimes committed by this terrorist organization during the fighting.


In January 2019, in the vicinity of the Monastery of the Assumption of Mother of God, some hundred Albanians gathered for their regular annual preventing the former, now-displaced, fellow citizens from Dakovica to celebrate Christmas Eve and Christmas Day. Pristina’s true nature was revealed by their seizure of the New Year’s and Christmas gifts for Serbian children from Gorazdevac and Osojane. In February, near Orahovac, the memorial plaque marking the place of abduction of TV joumalists Duro Slavuj and Ranko Perenié in August 1998 was removed, for the seventh time. Shortly thereafter the St. Trinity Church in the Municipality of Urosevac was plundered and desecrated.


During March and April 2019 the usual practice of theft of Serb-owned property, from seedlings to livestock to vehicles and tractors, was continued. A church in the village of Suvi Do was plundered and desecrated. Harassment of Serbs at the checkpoints went on, and the Kosovo Police banned entry to the FC Novi Pazar Juniors, bound for a match in Zubin Potok. The police also continued the arrest of Serbs from the secret list of indictments for alleged war crimes.


Full force of brutality of the Kosovo Police exploded in May 2019 when its special units raided four northem Municipalities with Serbian majority population. Their six-hour violent action almost provoked a serious armed interaction. Contrary to the provision that any north-bound action has to be sanctioned by Police Commander for the North and KFOR, this one was carried out without prior notice, in a three-pronged incursion aimed at intimidating, stirring panic, and arresting persons under charges of alleged organized crime. Tear gas, shock bombs, and live ammunition were used against civilians. 28 persons (19 KPS officers and 9 civilians) were arrested. Also arrested were two UNMIK staff under diplomatie immunity, including Russian citizen Mikhail Krasnoschhenko who was also severely beaten up.


Let me recall that back in March 2018, those same special units arrested Marko Durié, Director of the Office for Kosovo and Metohija and Head ofNegotiating Team with Pristina. By arresting and beating of Lead Negotiator of the Republic of Serbia, and arresting and beating of an international mission staff, Pristina sends a crystally clear message to the remaining Serbs:  “If we dare do this to persons protected by diplomatie immunity, just imagine what we dare do to you. Leave!”


In response to the special forces raiding the North of Kosovo and Metohija, President of the Republic of Serbia Aleksandar Vucié pre-emptively ordered full combat readiness for ail units of the Serbian Armed Forces. However, as the Republic of Serbia stayed true to being committed to peaceful solution of problems in this instance, too, this incursion did not evolve into an ail-out armed conflict. For Belgrade, threatening the Serbian lives in Kosovo and Metohija is the “red line”. The international community, sadly, remained very quiet.


August 2019 saw another blatant discrimination against Orthodox Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija, in hoisting the so-called Kosovo flag on the walls of Serbian medieval town of Novo Brdo, as an act of gross revision of history. The Novo Brdo Fort is among key Serbian historie and archaeological sites, and any Albanian attempt to appropriate it is but an act of forging history and aimed at the deepening the inter-ethnie abyss in Kosovo and Metohija. Obviously; the Serbian cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija is in a dire need to be protected. Albanians seek to go beyond mere plundering and destroying Serbian shrines and heritage, they seek to fully usurp and falsify Serbian history and, eventually, erase any trace of existence of Serbs in the area of Kosovo and Metohija.


Another danger, both for Serbs and for Al ban ia ns, is the return of battle-hardened fighters from the battlefields in Syria and whole Middle East. According to the State Department report for 2017, 403 Al banians from Kosovo and Metohija went to war for terrorist organization dubbed Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, it is estimated that more than 250 ISIS fighters returned to Kosovo and Metohija, posing a real danger for the Balkans and Europe. Presently, one of the last remnants of Jihadist struggle in Syria is an all-Albanian unit, called Jamati Alban. According to Albanian media, more than 50,000 people in Kosovo and Metohija practice Wahhabism, the most radical form of Islam.


In spite of this all, the Republic of Serbia remains patient and prudent, committed to dialogue and peace and to a compromise-oriented settlement of the centuries old Kosovo knot, and to enhancing cooperation in the region.